Steve Goodrich asks 'why do we hate politics?'
Last Thursday the University of Sheffield hosted a thought-provoking event titled "Re-engaging Citizens in Democratic Politics" . The main speakers, Colin Hay and Gerry Stoker, both well-respected academics, aimed to engage the audience in the numerous academic debates surrounding democratic decline. This may sound like alarmist self-indulgence however considering the evidence it is hard not too see their point.
The main conclusions made were as follows: over the past three decades or so turnout has been in slow and steady decline, accompanied by decreasing party membership and trust in politicians. Citizen's confidence in their ability to influence political outcomes has decreased significantly, leading to alienation from the political system. The most worrying of them all was that "the youth" are becoming increasingly unlikely to go the polls when they first become enfranchised, and that this habit of non-participation becomes entrenched. After a cursory glance at these trends it doesn't take a political scientist to figure out that this is damming indictment of the state of British politics.
There have been some who seek to explain our declining engagement in formal politics as merely reflective of widespread apathy or contentment. Youth aversion to the ballot box is put down to ignorance and poor education. This criticism is also aimed at the wider population who are vilified for being indifferent to politics whilst indulgent in commodity fetishism. The past decade of seemingly unending economic growth has pacified discontentment. Consumers have been enabled to engage in a market of products that meets their individual needs far better than the political process.
Citizens, it is argued, ask themselves why bother waiting for a council house when you can get a 100% mortgage? Why lobby your MP for better rights at work when you can just up and leave for another job at the end of the month? Why worry about domestic politics when you can escape to Majorca and leave all your worries behind for a fortnight?
These might seem like valid points yet they still don't explain why politics has come to play second fiddle to the consumerist self-indulgence. Whilst it cannot be ignored that we have been privy to more material pleasures than our previous generations, it does not explain why we trust politicians so little. Despite recent evidence suggesting that for once bankers and the institutions of the City are less trusted than our elected officials, it is little consolation considering that politicians are by far one of the most distrusted professions in the land .
The standard tack of denouncing non-participation as indifference and apathy is also problematic considering the evidence suggests we are still interested in politics. Despite falling turnout there has been an increase in ethical consumerism and other informal modes of participation such as writing to the media. Even focus groups with the dreaded "yoof" seem to point out that they're far more engaged than we had previously expected.
The conclusions made at the event were that we are interested in but alienated from politics. We're impassioned but frustrated by our lack of influence. Much of the tripe about voter apathy merely seeks to explain turnout decline through passing the buck onto the political consumer. Evidence seems to suggest that these "demand-side" problems are both over-stated and misunderstood. The problem lies not within our demand for politics per se but in the failure of politics, or to be more specific politicians, to supply us with reasons to give them our support.
This is not surprising considering the government's current performance. Their attempt to stabilize the banking system has provided mixed results, yet more fundamentally it has done nothing to reassure us that they are working in our interest. Promises made for job creation look fanciful and far-off, whilst staggeringly high amounts of money are pumped into the black hole of our decrepit financial system. Workers are laid off in their thousands whilst at best their plight is met with unconvincing, rehearsed showings of empathy and understanding by ministers and opposition alike.
To top it all off the common line throughout the past six months has been that matters are out of their hands. ‘The economic crisis is a world crisis' does not instil trust in their ability to tackle the problems at hand. What makes it worse is that there is little substantive difference between the parties as to how this can all be resolved with minimal harm to us, the victims. It is then no surprise that the void left by the major parties has been exploited by the far-right.
If Labour wants to stand any chance at the next general election they need to give us reasons why we can have faith in politics. New Labour has failed miserably in this exercise, and in doing so has contributed towards the continuing secular decline in turnout and participation in formal politics. If MP's wish to remain relevant they should start acting like it and not just stand at the sidelines saying "it isn't my fault guv". If they don't then the far-right will continue to make head roads into traditional Labour heartlands.
Pandering to the far-right by bullying vulnerable asylum seekers and closing the borders is reactionary and unproductive. It's time Labour started making real decisions by laying the hammer down on City excesses, supporting vulnerable workers, investing heavily in creating the oft-alluded-to "green economy" and by making themselves more accountable. They must remember trust is won through actions not through rhetoric.
Steve Goodrich,
Want to write an article like this? If you’re a Compass member you can submit your own articles and start your own debates on the Compass debates member’s section, an autonomous space for our members to initiate debate and discuss ideas.
To keep updated on the latest Compass news, please join our mailing list.











Comments
on 20 March 2009, 5:44:38 PM
In the foreseeable future, (next 10 years for these purposes,) it is entirely possible that the BNP will increase in influence. This includes seats on representative bodies, but not just that. In any case, the effect that a growth of BNP influence will have on the LP and on the Tories will be different. There is a very particular and vital reason why Labour should oppose the BNP, which is why your final paragraph at second reading is not so appealing.
Tories are not uniquely repellent or otherwise lacking in broadly progressive ethics. But one of the important reasons why the Tories evolved into a party opposed to racialism/racism over the pasted 60 years is because the LP was always ahead of them and more coherently anti racist and broke the vital electoral ground of seeking support on the basis of opposing racism. I know that there was a strong anti black, anti immigrant strand de-facto in the LP. But its direction of ideological, political and policy travel, was to oppose racism. Without that lead, the One Nation Tories like Boyle and Macleod who opposed racism as a matter of moral principle, would have had much greater difficulty in bringing anti-racism into the One Nation Ideology and thereby into the Tory mainstream; - where it has remained, even though the One Nation Tories became Thatcherite in all essentials.
If Labour weakens on its opposition to racism and the contemporary expression of Fascism, the Tories will follow, always taking care to be in Labour’s wake. Labour will not weaken, (aspects of current Labour policy and rhetoric cautiously to one side,) because it has become haters of non-white people, or has become holocaust deniers. But it will weaken because it has not got a coherent broadly socialist response to neo-liberalism: It has no way or intention of bringing the political centre to a position to the Left of neo-liberalism. It has no intention of leaving what Thatcher characterised as, “The Common Ground.”
That inability and unwillingness will destroy Labour as progressive and socialist force in society. It will erode Labour’s capacity to challenge the BNP. The descent into a sentimentalism by Jon Craddas and Jonathan Rutherford, (one which moreover mimics those aspects of that 19th century elitism which for its own reasons encouraged the lower orders to rise up against their social superiors,) shows how little even the more moderate of neo-liberalism's ideologists have to offer. Such can only increase the wider disillusionment with Labour and reduce society’s ability to challenge and destroy the BNP.
on 19 March 2009, 7:05:33 PM
Steve, I agree with so much of what you say, but after much thouht I have concluded that you are starting at the wrong point in the political process.
You have policy and strategy in your line of sight. I have the democratic process obscuring both of those. Until we have re-established the democratic process in this country, talk of policy and political objectives is futile. A classic example of that was the invasion of Iraq, which wilfully flouted the democratic process; no amount of debate or protest or campaigning or meetings or letters was able to achieve a democratic result. So in the case of the BNP, I suppose I'm saying that if we have to risk providing succour to the fascists in order to strengthen the democratic process, then that's a risk I would be willing to take.
I'd rather have one BNP MP voting according to the wishes of the people he represents than ten New Labour MPs doing the opposite.
on 19 March 2009, 6:05:57 PM
This dilemma can be shown through an example. In the run-up to the Council elections in Sheffield last May, a group of like-minded anti-fascist/BNP individuals (including myself) decided we’d try and hamper the BNP’s progress in a number of key Council wards. We were all solidly anti-fascist but very uncomfortable with the stance of Hope Not Hate/UAF which was tantamount to “BNP are bad vote Labour”.
As a result we concluded that we’d have to take the rather risky stance of “say no to the BNP” without the problematic “vote Labour” put forward by HNH/UAF. As Paul has rightly pointed out the BNP thrive on low turnouts, and in effect what we were implicitly saying in our literature was “don’t vote as none of the parties will represent your views”. (Although we were also saying implicitly “if you are going to vote it’s your choice, make your own mind up – just don’t vote for the BNP for reasons x, y and z”.)
This stance (assuming the leaflets would make an impact) would encourage people not to vote, and if they did, to vote for anyone other than the BNP. That was our hope in overcoming the problem of “mechanical” anti-BNP/auto-pro-Labourism. In the end it worked with the BNP failing to get any seats whilst Labour won by a majority small enough to give them a kick and force them into action. (NB. I recognise this might be wishful thinking)
With regards to using this approach in a general election against the Tories it becomes more problematic. Put simply the stakes are higher. We’re (I assume we’re all in a similar position on this one) all extremely uncomfortable with the prospect of voting for New Labour whilst at the same time uncertain if a one-term Conservative government would really kick the New Labour project into touch. I can’t pretend to have the answer here but it is something that we all need to think seriously about.
One strain of thought is “what’s the difference? Even if the Tories get in you wont be able to tell the difference from New Labour”. Conversely there’s the auto-Labourism which suggests “yes I don’t like New Labour but I wouldn’t trust the Tories with my washing let alone running the country”. In effect we’re in no-mans land and whilst we can try and support those within the Labour Party fighting for working people, the environment, Trade Union rights (and human rights more generally) etc. I would suggest we should start looking to create another alternative in case the “Reclaim the Labour Party” project fails.
It might seem to imply burning the candle at both ends but what other alternatives do we have?
on 19 March 2009, 5:54:45 PM
on 19 March 2009, 5:27:59 PM
You said "I have also spent the past 4-5 years in Sheffield where the BNP has been making inroads into traditional Labour areas", and I would suggest that the inroads are not into "traditional Labour areas" but "into traditional Labour philosophy". The BNP purport to speak for and to represent the interests of "the common man", and the sad reality is that on the one hand they do so better than New Labour, and on the other hand they are allowed to be convincing by dint of "the common man"'s total contempt for this government.
But the solution to this cannot be a mechanical anti-BNP coalition whose primary objective is to keep the BNP at bay. The only workable solution is to correct the problem of a government, and a party, which shows callous contempt for thei "traditional" supporters, and which undemocratically ignores and defies their wishes.
Very many people on this website will vote Tory at the next General Election in order to rid the country of the cancer of New Labourism. Why would they not just as well vote BNP to keep both New Labour and the Tories out? Are the BNP actually any worse than either of those?
If the BNP did astonishingly well at the next European elections, they might just get one seat or even two; UKIP might get a dozen. So what? Given the past performance of Labour and Tories in Europe, perhaps a few more rabble-rousers opposing the comfy non-democratic federalists might inject some reality into the EU ? Anyway, exporting Nicky G to Strasbourg would be good for Britain - he might quite get to like life with his snout in the trough and join mainstream politics LOL
And at our next General Election, a few hundred thousand votes for the BNP (which will never elect a BNP MP) might shake up Westminster into reviewing its democratic processes.
on 19 March 2009, 5:24:15 PM
Be it EU, parliamentary or local elections, a significant change will be indicated as taking place if the BNP win seats on a high turnout. In specific places such is not all that far from being the case. Some academic opinion has it that if Griffin in particular fails to be elected this will mark a crisis for the BNP. There is nothing the matter with whistling in the dark to keep your spirits up. But I doubt a crisis would be precipitated in the BNP unless Griffin is very substantially defeated in the EU elections. Defeating the BNP is going to be a long haul; very much more than keeping them out of the EU parliament, or out of anywhere else.
We hear spokespeople for the democratic parties moaning that the BNP are exploiting community issues, becoming involved in concerns other than race. What did we honestly expect them to do? In the shorter term, the BNP are likely to retain their current level of support and to increase their support. Labour will be central to the long term, long haul necessary to defeat them. But how Labour’s current commitment to neo-liberal policies spiced with anti foreigner opportunism contributes to that long haul, is less than clear. With some justification it is said that the Tory victory in 1979 blunted the NF. If Labour loses the next UK election, Labour neo-liberals will not necessarily be defeated. - Far from it. Indeed the clapped out ones who held office and the metropolitan/media ones who have emerged since 2003 as overt, elite centred, loyal critics, will be likely in opposition to present such an alienating political presence to enough people, that the BNP will be able to exploit it.
on 19 March 2009, 12:11:10 PM
Just been watching our 'azel on the Daily Politics, and she's just re-iterated - without using the term, but the meaning is perfectly clear even to those to whom it's not meant to be - New Labour's belief that, like the United States, the UK is, and ought to be, a melting pot, albeit a multi-cultural melting pot (as i said, it's a New Labour belief so it necessarily lacks any kind of internal logic and leans much on magic realism and the gullibility of the more hapless punters).
on 19 March 2009, 11:36:43 AM
The reason I have linked it in with the rise of the BNP is because of my personal experiences and concern, not because of any MP’s. I’m currently living in Manchester, part of the North-West constituency for the European Elections, in which Nick Griffin stands a real chance of getting elected. I have also spent the past 4-5 years in Sheffield where the BNP has been making inroads into traditional Labour areas, for example, Southey and Brightside.
This is not scare-mongering for the sake of our current representatives but a statement of concern regarding the current trend in electoral politics. I can assure you that this articles mentioning of the BNP is more of a coincidence than part of a plot to scare people into voting New Labour.
I would also support attempts to try and democratise the Labour Party from within, however I am personally sceptical of its potential for success. This is why Compass and groups like it are important. They can help forge links with those brave few fighting for Labour’s soul, whilst enabling those outside the party (like myself) to help form new ideas and strategies for alternatives.
on 19 March 2009, 11:17:23 AM
What is the point of running campaigns like the Welfare for All campaign and then doing nothing and saying nothing when the legislation comes to Parliament and supporting the government.
on 19 March 2009, 10:01:11 AM
There is surely nothing wrong with forming a broad alliance to oppose the BNP. When it comes to opposing fascism the alliance may need to be very broad indeed.
on 19 March 2009, 9:36:36 AM
Parliament' Bill stages
The procedure for passing the different types of Bills is broadly similar in both Houses. At a very simple level, a Bill must pass through several stages - in both Houses - to become a law.
Public Bill stages
The following stages take place in both Houses:
First reading (formal introduction of the Bill without debate)
Second reading (general debate)
Committee stage (detailed examination, debate and amendments. In the House of Commons this stage takes place in a Public Bill Committee.)
Report stage (opportunity for further amendments)
Third reading (final chance for debate; amendments are possible in the Lords)
When a Bill has passed through both Houses it is returned to the first House (where it started) for the second House's amendments to be considered.
Both Houses must agree on the final text. There may be several rounds of exchanges between the two Houses until agreement is reached on every word of the Bill. Once this happens the Bill proceeds to the next stage: Royal Assent.
Royal Assent (granted by the monarch)
Act of Parliament (the proposals of the Bill have now become law)
Private Bills
Private Bills go through broadly the same stages as Public Bills, but some different rules apply. For example, a debate on the second reading of a Private Bill will only take place if an MP or Lord objects to the Bill.
The committee stage for a Private Bill is also different. Bills which have been petitioned against are considered by an Opposed Bill Committee, whereas Bills not petitioned against go to an Unopposed Bill Committee. Private Bills in the House of Lords do not have a report stage after they have left committee.
A detailed overview of Private Bill procedure is available in a Commons Information Office Factsheet:
Factsheet L4 - Private Bills
on 19 March 2009, 9:28:29 AM
Something's clearly afoot in Dagenham but I don't think that shilly-shallying about with the exotic products of James Purnell's shallow but viciously sadistic mind will help Cruddas much. If anything, it's going to give the BNP even more of a boost in its efforts to cream off the Labour vote in the East London constituencies in the European elections this year.
on 19 March 2009, 7:21:30 AM
What I am complaining about is that by giving up and not even speaking out it means the public don't even know what is happening and don't have any representation.
on 19 March 2009, 7:02:41 AM
There were amendments from Jon McDonnell which were all defeated with the Tories and Labour voting them down together and they were referred to as wrecking amendments by the Tories. The Tories did support one little tweak to add a year or so to the age before a single mother is open to sanctions for not working (child age five not three) and Purnell went mad saying the Tories were supposed to be supporting the bill and Teresa May was furious and said they were supporting but wanted this little change.
The votes supporting the amendments were the small group of left usual suspect MPs plus Frank Dobson and a few others but not Jon Cruddas who voted with the government on all of them. The LibDems voted with Jon McDonnell on the amendments as did Independents and Scots Nats. The LibDem front bench called it a thoroughly 'nasty' bill.
You can tell it was major legislation because almost every MP was there voting.
At the end the speaker asked if they all said AYE and they all did so they didn't bother with a vote. The LibDems had given up by then and said so.
It was all democratic. If both main parties put out three line whips on something it goes through.
There was absolutely nothing in the media about it. Nothing at all. Nothing on this site. Tories all looked triumphant and the Labour people mostly depressed and defensive. Sorry to post my impressions at such length but if they don't put it in the press I am now the major reporter for this event.
I would like an explanation from Compass and Jon Cruddas because this was real damage happening now and the world of the Good Society seems like another planet. Compass must be planning for the very very long term but as I was on the phone all day yesterday to the DWP about sick benefit I was more impressed with the efforts of Jon McDonnell.
Is Compass engaged in real politics?
on 19 March 2009, 12:43:39 AM
on 18 March 2009, 11:31:21 PM
It's incorrect to describe the Tories' support for this bill as collusion. It's Tory policy enacted by this government. Are the Tories supposed to vote AGAINST what they believe is right? If they did that just to embarrass Brown then you'd accuse them (rightly) of playing politics.
I'm also interested to find out what (if anything) Cruddas said during the debate, and that's easy to find out online tomorrow in the Hansard website. If in fact he DID NOT speak against the Bill, I too would like to hear his reasons.
Briefly, on the subject of Steve Goodrich's article, I was finding it interesting and valuable until I read "It is then no surprise that the void left by the major parties has been exploited by the far-right." There is clearly a campaign afoot to raise the bogey of the BNP in this website; that's the second article in a week to do so, and I'll betcha there are more in the pipeline.
It's just arrant nonsense, of course, and I'm baffled as to why anyone thinks it's an issue worth raising.
on 18 March 2009, 8:07:53 PM
John Mason: "We have seen a major U-turn by the Government. We welcome the increase in disability living allowance for people with sight problems, and for that single reason we will not vote against the Bill. However, I believe that it is a deeply flawed Bill, and, indeed, a Tory Bill with Labour window-dressing."
I guess that, given that it's such a deeply flawed bill, there's either a brilliantly counter-intuitive strategy - barely comprehensible to the minds of mere mortals - about to unfold, or we're just observing another classic example of the PLP's capacity to retreat into "duh?" at the drop of a principle.
I live in a Labour/Tory marginal where the LibDems don't have a chance, and I won't vote Labour at the next election, that's for sure. I think I much prefer the complacent vacuous cynicism of the Tories at their worst to the vicious malignity of what laughingly passes itself off as the "Labour" party.
on 18 March 2009, 7:38:14 PM
on 18 March 2009, 7:23:49 PM
Jon Cruddas voted with the leadership on the amendments. I find this amazing when there was so much opposition to the bill on the Compass site. I'm not impressed and I'd at least like an explanation but I'm not holding my breath. What was the point of the Compass campaign against the bill if they didn't take in through to Parliament. I don't want to read any more theoretical polemics about a good society. This attack on the poor happened here in our Parliament yesterday and the theory has to turn in to action at some point.
The bill is such a watershed in taking away the rights to the protection of the welfare state and setting it up so benefits are conditional on good behaviour. Both front benches are watering at the mouth at the prospect of clawing back the money they gave away to bankers from claimants.
Go to the pub and ask any one if they know they just lost the right to benfefits in hard times and see if they know. Ask them if they know the sick have to do work related activity from their sick beds. The electorate hasn't the faintest idea it has happened.
This FPTP system is open to this kind of collusion. You could say the LibDems and the Labour rebels were acting like minority parties - the sort you would get under PR - and they were the only ones debating and thinking and looking at the issues.
FPTP is hopeless and corrupt and has had its day.
on 18 March 2009, 3:57:17 PM
on 18 March 2009, 2:08:37 PM
And because they have all colluded together when people start finding out it can't eb traced back to anyone. There was no vote. No one's name is on this.
If you google welfare reform bill you will see they NewLabour tried this in 1999 with a certain Mr Darling instead of Purnell and the Labour backbenchers threw it out. It shows how much weaker the backbenchers are now.
Compass were great at campaigning on this so what did they do yesterday? How did Mr Cruddas vote on the amendments? The LRC were great.
on 18 March 2009, 1:03:26 PM
One lady said yes but I've got depression they cannot mean me they must mean the other people. I think many people in the UK do not bother voting or take an interest so to them Governments do not make laws the DWP does, so no mater what the government says they are safe because the DWP have given them a medical. I failed to get anyone interested down here all believe they are safe.
on 18 March 2009, 12:42:23 PM
The right to welfare bestowed by the Edwardians has been taken away and the electorate have no idea it happened.
on 18 March 2009, 11:17:36 AM
John McDonnell, with the support of Labour Representation Committee members and a few others, was magnificent in the Commons yesterday. However, the chamber was largely deserted, as New Labour relied on its unholy alliance with the Tories to get this pernicious measure through.
What next ?
on 18 March 2009, 9:47:25 AM
There was no vote so no coverage in any of the media - television news or newspapers and unless you watched the parliament channel you wouldn't know it happened.
Do any of the voters now know they no longer have the right to welfare benefits - it's all at the discretion of officials who decide if you are trying hard enough to get work however sick you are or whatever the problems with your own health and your kids. All discretion so no rules, no rights and no appeals.
Why bother having a democracy with a FPTP system and this kind of collusion between the two main parties to legislate away your rights and a media that doesn't notice. Why bother voting.
Leave a comment